For a long time after the publication of Theodore Duka’s seminal book in 1884 it seemed as if the Indian sources had been wholly exhausted, and the discovery of new documents was not to be expected. In the course of the century since that date, the source material was only expanded with documents from Hungary, Transylvania, and Vienna.

In the course of research undertaken at the National Archives of India (NAI), the Asiatic Society of Bengal (AS), and the India Office Library and Records (IOL or IOR) in London, however, I came upon a large number of documents that had not heretofore been taken account of. In addition to over twenty Csoma letters, the number of other, contemporary documents that concern Csoma numbered about sixty-five. Péter Marczell has published most of the original documents in Calcutta in his book (2005). Important materials concerning Ladakh and Csoma de Kőrös are published by Nawang Tsering Shakspo in his book, A Cultural History of  Ladakh, on Csoma see pages 41-46.

Before introducing these documents, an overall picture of the English administration in India at the time of Csoma may be useful. This has produced the archival material under studies.

The East India Company of Bengal was established in 1600 and had a trade monopoly, which extended from the Cape of Good Hope to the Magellan Straits. It was the chief source of income to the British crown. For the official reasons they were obligated to keep exact records pertaining to all their affairs, and these records were kept for lengthy periods of time. The Company had administrative directorates both in England and in India, and in the times of Csoma, there also existed an overseeing body, which represented the crown.

At the helm of the organization in England stood the Court of Directors, elected by the shareholders on an annual basis. The Court of Directors communicated with the Indian organization through a number of committees, headed in Csoma’s time by the Governor General and his Council, whose measures also were implemented through various offices. Csoma’s affairs were handled by the Foreign Department, which functioned as a “ministry” of foreign affairs, directed by a secretary and a secretary general, more exactly, a “minister”. The operation of the whole organisation was overseen by the Board of Controlbased in London.

When Csoma arrived in Subathu in November of 1825, Captain Kennedy, who was in charge here, informed his superior, lieutenant Murray, based in Ambala, at that time. He copied and forwarded the file to Delhi, adding a copy of his own reply to Kennedy. In Delhi, the local delegate, Elliot added his own cover letter in forwarding the file to the Foreign Office in Calcutta, addressed to G. Swinton. The matter came before the Governor General and his council, with all the above mentioned as well as the Court of Councillors in London being informed of the decision brought at this meeting, the whole file was forwarded to London after copies had been made. In London the case was deliberated at one of the weekly meetings of the Council, but its confirmation or amendment to the case could only be returned to India with the approval of the Board of Control. Therefore the file was also sent on to their office including copies of the important history. These collections gave an overview of the complete cases. The Boards Collections contain the most material.

But copies or originals of each document may be found in every office. Most originals can be found in London, but copies in the rest of the offices were also made with great exactitude. The archives of the Asiatic Society are far less systematic, only a part of the old documents have been catalogued, so unknown documents are quite likely to emerge in times to come.

As far as the significance of the documents found is concerned, it can be established that they do not alter the overall view presented by the work of Theodore Duka. Duka painted a picture of Csoma correct in its essence, and the documents can also be found complete, without deletions in his book. An exception to this rule is posed by the last letter, which presents the books found in his four cases after Csoma’s death, where Dukasummarises the data comprising the document.

In the following we discuss the specific aspects of Csoma’s image that are enriched in detail or reveal as yet unknown traits through these finds.

The first important detail is the correction of the way Csoma’s relationship with William Moorcroft is seen. The literature heretofore has drawn a sharp difference between the two; Baktay, for example, describes Moorcroft as a “pragmatic man in the service of clearly defined goals … an educated English gentleman, who … has seen many troubles and dangers … immediately recognizing the opportunities opened, never forgetting that he served the interests of the British Empire.” Facing him, there stood this worn, lonesome, neglected Hungarian traveller in a strange garb, striving for some distant goal with unheard-of enthusiasm.

An array of new data has come to light regarding Moorcroft lately, and a detailed biography was authored by Garry Alder in 1984. It becomes evident from these that actually Moorcroft was just as much of a dreamer as Csoma, though he did indeed have the British-Indian government more or less backing him up, and a wealth gained from working as a veterinarian. Reading his letters in the National Archives of India or in London, the warmth with which he writes about the Tibetan people of Ladakh would be a surprise for anyone.

Moorcroft originally came to Ladakh for the sake of the “pashmina” -goats that were bread on the Tibetan plateau for their extraordinarily soft wool, - and for the route by which Arabian thoroughbred horses could be transported to India. However, due to a treaty between the Mughal-Kashmiri and Chinese-Tibetan powers, which also applied to Ladakh, he did not receive a permit to cross the Karakorum pass and spent two years in the then still independent Kingdom of Ladakh. He became fond of this simple, hospitable people and did everything in his power to ward off the storm clouds gathering over Ladakh. For these were the times when the Sikh Maharajah Ranjit Singh was preparing to occupy the mountain kingdoms, lying to the north-east of Kashmir. The war did indeed begin in 1834 and ended after three bloody campaigns with the downfall of the Ladakh Monarchy in 1842.

Moorcroft forwarded a request from the King of Ladakh to the English government, asking them to save the endangered kingdom. But the English authorities, which had consolidated their Himalayan acquisitions neighbouring those of the Sikhs just then, rejected this appeal, gave Moorcroft a serious warning not to interfere in larger political matters, and even informed Ranjit Singh of the request from Ladakh.

When the two travellers met in Dras, Moorcroft was about to leave Ladakh, making his last data-collecting circuits as he explored the various roads that led to Turkestan. They spent the next winter (1822–23) together in Kashmir. A letter clearly penned by both Csoma and Moorcroft has remained extant in two copies in the Archives of the India Ministry, summarising the results and further possibilities to that date of research in the field of Tibetan literature. By this time Csoma was seriously engaged in the study of the Tibetan language, but clearly Moorcroft was also quite adept in it, perhaps he had acquired use of the spoken tongue in the course of his two-year sojourn around Leh. It also must not be forgotten that Moorcroft had brought the huge Tibetan grammar by Georgius from Calcutta. Moorcroft is on all counts the initiator of Csoma’s successful labours in Tibet, and his supporter not only in intellectual, but also material terms, and by means of his contacts. As revealed by the new information, he even secured the help of the lama Sangye Puntsog. On the other hand Moorcroft also learned from Csoma, not only about linguistics, but in practical matters too, as among the routes leading to Bokhara, - he chose the one on which Csoma had arrived.

The second matter made more clear by the new information found is the role of the East-India Company in Csoma’s support. Baktay and perhaps even Hunter saw Csoma’s situation in India as precarious. Almost all scholars concur that Csoma was unconditionally supported by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, which had by this time secured a specific significance among scientific institutions. The situation is in fact the opposite. Though it is true that the commander of the military headquarters in Subathu asked the travelling alien for a report of his activities when he arrived there, and the government also asked him to explain his purpose in detail, yet after a quick investigation they established that his was the case of a true scholar, and all support that he requested was granted him, even continuing his support in a period when he did not ask for it, from 1835–38. The Asiatic Society only employed Csoma as a librarian from 1838–41, though he had been provided lodgings even earlier in the buildings of the Society. Yet it is true that at that time he had been working on government pay for the Society, and its greater recognition.

Ervin Baktay describes “The most serious and most adverse period of Sándor Csoma de Kőrös’s life” from page 167 onwards in his book. The adversity would have been caused by the publication of a Tibetan dictionary in Serampore in 1826, which would have put further support for Csoma’s in danger. What actually happened was that Csoma could not complete the Tibetan English dictionary even in the course of his second trip to Zanskar, or even the grammar, though he had succeeded in having a number of valuable volumes and materials to assist the preparation of the main works prepared by the lamas in Zanskar.

After his arrival in Subathu, he was truly faced with a serious dilemma, though his own humility lay at its heart. He thought that he could not ask for further assistance since he had already taken on too many commitments, and the promised works had not been completed (We know that according to the terms of his agreement with Moorcroft, Csoma wanted to complete the dictionary and grammar in a year’s time, which was obviously an impossible task.). So the real problem was how he could continue his work on the dictionary, without asking for money to do so. Kennedy saw through the situation and personally asked Wilson for money. However, Wilson refused the request, stating: “I cannot see that Mr. Csoma could make any claim on our financial backing.” He suggested to Kennedy that Csoma should turn for further financial assistance to the government. However, Csoma was not willing to do so at first. The situation was only resolved when the Viceroy, Lord Amherst himself visited Subathu and Simla, and Csoma was personally introduced to him by Kennedy. Thereon, no obstacle remained for Csoma to travel to Tibet for another three years (on this occasion to Kanam, which was on British territory), relying on the financial support of the government, which came to fifty rupees a month.

It also becomes apparent from the newly found documents that the officials within the Society were variously disposed towards Csoma. It seems that H.H. Wilson, with whom Csoma came first into contact, did not wholly approve of the Hungarian traveller. The truth of the matter is that a highly influential diplomat of scholarly disposition had begun in-depth studies of Buddhism and picked up an interest in the Tibetan language at the same time. Brian Hodgson worked at the British Embassy in Nepal, and was sending old Sanskrit and Tibetan manuscripts to Calcutta in great quantities. These were mainly addressed to the Asiatic Society, but some also to Fort William College. Amongst others, he had been sending the 300-volume Buddhist canon, which Csoma later catalogued. Hodgson and Wilson had an agreement; both relied heavily on the help of native pundits and munshis. Wilson had written his dictionary and Hodgson his book on various issues of Buddhism with the help of native Indian masters. Csoma was also greatly helped by the Ladakhi lama, but this was always clearly stated by Csoma. He described the lama, Sangyas Phuntsog as his teacher on the title page of his Tibetan dictionary, and himself as his pupil. The assistants of the two English scholars however remain nameless.

It seems Wilson intended a similar role for Csoma as well. He immediately published Csoma’s letter on Tibetan literature written in 1825, with some additions, yet citing it even later as his own work. When Csoma saw this publication, he wrote to Wilson saying that it seemed nothing is known about Tibetan language and literature in Calcutta. Wilson does not send Csoma the books he asks for, and Csoma does not accept the allowance of 50 rupees offered to him by the Society. When Csoma prepares to go to Calcutta after having collected his material, to deliver them to the government and the Society, and prepare them for publication, Wilson writes a letter to the minister of foreign affairs advising that Tibetan literature is in fact not too important, and presumably Csoma’s stay in Calcutta would be too expensive. When Csoma finally arrives in Calcutta he is not allowed to concentrate on his main works, but prepares the annotated, summarised catalogue of the canon (Kandjur and Tendjur) sent by Hodgson. His summaries of the first sections are published in the journal of the Society by Wilson under his own name, though he does mention it is based on Csoma’s manuscripts. Finally, when Wilson sets of for England in 1833, he proposed to the government that he could take along the Tibetan-English dictionary and grammar by Csoma already in his possession, so he could himself publish them in London.

Luckily the minister for foreign affairs answered that the work, the research for which was supported by the Bengal government, should be published in Calcutta, and it should be supervised by the person, who prepared it. Thus he asked H.H. Wilson, to hand over the manuscripts. Meanwhile, James Principe, and immediately the work on the dictionary and the grammar started, and the printing was ready in January of 1834. Csoma de Kőrös was elected a Honorary Member of the Society, along with his former masters in Göttingen, Heeren and Klaproth. Prinsep, was the greatest researcher of the age, who deciphered the Brahmi script, described the Ashoka inscriptions, from which the early glory of Indiabecame visible. Prinsep has asked help from Csoma in connection with his own researches, but it is always clear, what is his own work, and what is Csoma’s contribution. When Csoma in 1835 left Calcutta for a village in North Bengal, to properly study the Hungarian-Indian (mainly Sanscrit) linguistic relation, he only wrote letters to Prinsep. After his return to Calcutta, he accepted a job of the librarian in the Asiatic Research Society.

This is the time when Csoma completes his research and publication on the holy Tibetan Scriptures, which were published in the 1^st and 2^nd part of the XX volume of the Asiatic Researches.

About his work as a librarian we find in the Archives of the Asiatic Society a series of letters, which give a bright picture of his contacts with the Indian employees of the society. There are a couple of letters to Ram Comal Sen, and also to Herembanath Thakur, the great-uncle of Rabindranath Tagore. It is known, that Tagore has heard about the Hungarian scholar, and it may have helped him in strengthening his own national identity. Peter Marcell has attracted attention to the fact, that Csoma probably was also involved in the Anglicist-Orientalist controversy of those times, the question of which was the language, (English or local) which should be used in primary and secondary schools. Marcell found among the books, which Csoma donated in 1841 to the Asiatic Society, a couple of French books, dealing with the question of primary school education. This shows, that he was supporting the “Orientalists”, which was the side represented by Prinsep as well.

There are various theories in connection with Csoma’s last journey, which led him to Darjeeling. Some have presumed that this was the same idea, the same impossible effort which was stopped by the close of Tibet in the beginning. The Csoma-researchers did not take in account that the Sikh army attacked Tibet as well, during their war with Ladakh. We can not take it a chance, that Csoma started this journey at a time, when the British politics changed. Earlier they observed the conquest of Ladakh without great interest, but when in the summer of 1841 the attack by Zorovar Singh on Tibet started, the British protested, on the side of the Tibetans, against the attackers. On the 1^st November they lodged a protest at the Sikh Emperor against his attack, and they set a deadline, the 10^th December, for their full withdrawal. In the meantime real Tibetan forces also arrived at their western borderland of Tibet, and with the help of the strong winter-temperature destroyed the forces of Zorovar Singh. This has in a way strengthened the point of view of the Tibetan-Chinese authorities, which was expressed in the 3^rd point of the peace-treaty:“Such persons as may in future proceed from China to Ladak or from Ladak to China not to be obstructed on the road.” (Cf. C. L. Datta’s work, 214-215. pp.) This treaty coincided with the British-Chinese war, which was fought on the sea as the Chinese authorities rejected the import and sale of cannabis, which was forced on them by the Britons in these years. Csoma could have heard about the new agreement between the Chinese and the English authorities, which opened a direct connection between them trough Tibet. But it is also known, that in his travel-box some letters in Tibetan language were included, which may have been written by his Ladakhi friends.

This changes on the picture of the great Hungarian “wanderer” as much, that we should not imagine a researcher, who moves merely according his dreams, far away from reality, is only self-absorbed, - but somebody, who is closely linked to the company of Asian friends, which has provided him society for the last twenty years and with the historical events, which formed his life, and of which he was a participant as well.