I do not exactly remember when I first met Kushok Gyalsras Bakula.

But I do remember that I had known him personally when I noticed his statement to the Amrita Bazaar Patrika, Calcutta, dated March 18, 1952 in which he warned about “nostalgic longings in Ladakh for a union with their spiritual home, Tibet”. He publicly protested against  what  he  called  Srinagar-dominated  adminis-tration  and demanded  the  right  of  self-determination  for  Ladakhis,  whom  he called ‘a nation.’

The statement created a big stir in political circles within the state and in New Delhi. I had a long discussion with Kushok Bakula on the subject. As I had already initiated a move for regional autonomy and wanted to know if that would redress his grievances, his response was positive though he would not publicly commit himself. Later, I had, in my meetings with Jawaharlal Nehru, warned him against the consequences  of  regional  tensions  within  the  state  as  “Kashmiri leadership has not been able to come out of the orbit of narrow local nationalism of the valley and extend its influence to other parts of the state”. (Quoted from the written statement submitted by me to Nehru on July 15, 1952). I had, in this context, quoted the statement of Kushok Bakula and the agitation of the Praja Parishad in Jammu.

Eventually Nehru announced his support for the idea of regional autonomy at a press conference on July 24, 1952 in the presence of Sheikh Abdullah. Kushok’s  relations  with  Sheikh Abdullah  remained  strained which were mended by his successor Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, after deposition and arrest of Abdullah on August 9, 1953. Kushok was  appointed  deputy  minister  in  1953  and  was  promoted  to  the position of minister of state in 1962 which he held till 1967. He was elected unopposed to the Lok Sabha in 1967. While  I  continued  with  the  campaign  for  regional  autonomy, Kushok had accepted the status quo. He told me that it was Nehru who  had  personally  assured  him  that  the  Ladakh’s  interest  would no longer be ignored and it would get due representation in the state government. As  he  had  joined  politics  in  1949  on  the  advice  of Nehru, whose assurance he was bound to accept, he said.

I have written his short biography for Dictionary of Biographies of Eminent Indians commissioned by Indian Institute of Historical Studies Calcutta and for that purpose had interviewed him at length.

Most  of  my  information  about  his  early  life  is  based  on  that interview.

He was born in the royal Buddhist family of Matho in Ladakh.

Soon after his birth, he was declared an incarnate Lama according to local religious belief and practice. He was brought up and trained as a Lama and had received his education in monasteries. He spent fourteen  years  in  Tibet  for  the  study  of  Buddhism  and  obtained degree of “Geshe Lharmpa”, the highest degree in Buddhist studies and  metaphysics  from  the  distinguished  monastery  of  Drepung  in Tibet. He secured first position in order of merit.

As far as his political career in concerned, it was in my personal knowledge. He represented Ladakh in Lok Sabha for ten years; from 1967 to 1977. In 1974, when Indira Gandhi—Sheikh Abdullah talks were about to conclude, the former asked me “what would be the reaction  of  Jammu  and  Ladakh  if Abdullah  is  brought  back  to power?” I told her that as Abdullah was committed to the idea of regional  autonomy  that  should  satisfy  the  other  two  regions.  She wanted  a  reiteration  of  that  commitment. Abdullah  agreed  to  my suggestion and convened a meeting of representatives of Jammu and Ladakh.  Kushok  was  the  obvious  choice  from  Ladakh.  Sheikh Abdullah  presented  a  five  tier  constitution  of  the  state  drafted  by me to the meeting which he promised to implement. It provided for regional autonomy with further devolution of powers to the district, blocks and panchayats.